We have looked at the empirical evidence of the well-known feminist
dictum: "pornography is the theory--rape is the practice" (Morgan,
1980). While earlier research, notably that generated by the U.S.
Commission on Obscenity and Pornography (1970) had found no evidence of a
causal link between pornography and rape, a new generation of
behavioral scientists have, for more than a decade, made considerable
effort to prove such a connection, especially as far as "aggressive
pornography" is concerned. The first part of the article examines and
discusses the findings of this new research. A number of laboratory
experiments have been conducted, much akin to the types of experiments
developed by researchers of the effects of nonsexual media violence. As
in the latter, a certain degree of increased "aggressiveness" has been
found under certain circumstances, but to extrapolate from such
laboratory effects to the commission of rape in real life is dubious.
Studies of rapists' and nonrapists' immediate sexual reactions to
presentations of pornography showed generally greater arousal to
non-violent scenes, and no difference can be found in this regard
between convicted rapists, nonsexual criminals and noncriminal males. In
the second part of the paper an attempt was made to study the necessary
precondition for a substantial causal relationship between the
availability of pornography, including aggressive pornography, and
rape--namely, that obviously increased availability of such material was
followed by an increase in cases of reported rape. The development of
rape and attempted rape during the period 1964-1984 was studied in four
countries: the U.S.A., Denmark, Sweden and West Germany. In all four
countries there is clear and undisputed evidence that during this period
the availability of various forms of pictorial pornography including
violent/dominant varieties (in the form of picture magazines, and
films/videos used at home or shown in arcades or cinemas) has developed
from extreme scarcity to relative abundance. If (violent) pornography
causes rape, this exceptional development in the availability of
(violent) pornography should definitely somehow influence the rape
statistics. Since, however, the rape figures could not simply be
expected to remain steady during the period in question (when it is well
known that most other crimes increased considerably), the development
of rape rates was compared with that of non-sexual violent offences and
nonviolent sexual offences (in so far as available statistics
permitted). The results showed that in none of the countries did rape
increase more than nonsexual violent crimes. This finding in itself
would seem sufficient to discard the hypothesis that pornography causes
rape.
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